It was rumored that Netanyahu would be hit in the Israeli election. But in reality, even if Netanyahu wins, the challenge is greater.
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General elections were held in Israel last week. We are looking for a successor to Benjamin Netanyahu, who is running for a fourth term as prime minister. However, the light of the countrymen was something else. The atmosphere in 2015 was repeated in 2019. Also, like in 2015, voters put their weight behind Netanyahu. Netanyahu will have to take on the crutches of some right-wing and religious parties. But despite the fact that Netanyahu wants to choose a successor, the campaign has not been begged by Israeli voters.
Although the Blue and White (Kachol Livan) party, which was formed just weeks before the general election, blew the trumpet, fell short of reaching a majority. But the party did a good job of shocking the ruling Likud party. Benjamin Gantz, a former Israeli army chief, joined Yair Lapid's Yesh Atid party and was joined by two other former Israeli army chiefs. One of them was in Netanyahu's cabinet until recently. Gantz's Blue and White Party won 35 seats in parliament. Netanyahu's ruling Likud party has also had to settle for the same number of seats. Even so, in the 120-member Israeli parliament, the Likud party will have a hard time. Likud's pre-election lead will enable the party to secure a majority in Parliament. The 'Blue and White' party, which is in its infancy politically, will not get this opportunity.
Although the Blue and White Party has won as many seats as the Likud party (Likud's seats have gone up from 30 to 35), it seems to have failed to win over the Likud party's traditional electorate. But in 2015, the Blue and White Party has created enough air to replace the far-left Zionist Union, which has been playing the role of opposition. His seats have also increased with the support of Yesh Atid Paksha. Although the Blue and White Party has hurt the Left, the Likud party has not had much success in standing up as a viable option.
The party needs to establish its political identity first. Although his slogan "Israel First" is appealing, it does not imply a ubiquitous meaning. While campaigning on social issues, the Blue and White Party presented some progressive ideas on civil marriage and public transport on the Sabbath. But there was nothing innovative about it. These issues are still on the far-left agenda, and without the intervention of Haredi, a party advocating the old Jewish ideology, the Likud party might have taken up the issue. Although Lapid emphasized economic issues during the diagnostic campaign, some Blue and White parties did not have the power to make proposals on economic issues. During Lapid's tenure as finance minister, his administration was actually slow, and there is a difference between Lapid's words and actions. Gantz's party had little to say on security issues. Even in the face of the conflict in Gaza in the run-up to the election, he had no issues with it.
Israel's liberation from Netanyahu, which has serious allegations of corruption, was the focus of the Blue and White Party's campaign. The Zionist Union had raised the same issue in 2015, but failed to mislead the electorate, while in 2019, Blue and White failed. On the contrary, Netanyahu's aggressive response to the campaign made voters feel overwhelmed. Vote for me for the security of the nation, for a strong Israel. In 2015, Netanyahu pledged this stronghold of intense nationalism in 2019. If the unity between the blue and white continues until the next election, they will have to decide the direction of the campaign with Likud at the centre, and Netanyahu will have to come up with a viable alternative.
New claim : Pada and Jala
There are some influential figures in the lower house, including Naftali Bennett and Ailet Shaked, the Minister of Education and Justice, respectively. Both have served in the Israeli military, built their careers in high-tech, and have always been open-minded and traditional. Bennett became a talisman for right-wing ideologues, while the Jewish Home Party (Habitat Jews) under his leadership was a resounding success in 2013. His membership in Parliament increased from three to 12. Shaked succeeded in creating such an identity as an all-religious woman representing a religious party in Parliament. It is almost impossible to meet Shaked in the Parliament premises without praising him. The whole country was looking at these two personalities as the future Prime Minister. First Bennett then Shaked, they can do justice to this position,
However, in 2015, their votes declined. One-third of the Jewish Home Party MPs lost. However, both of them got ministerial posts but neither of them will appear in Parliament after this election. Bennett and Shaked's attempt to form a new party by leaving the Jewish Home Party has been thwarted. Although the duo, a symbol of Israel's right-wing ideology, has been hit hard, Shaked still has the power to soar through the ashes. He has recently signaled Bennett's resignation. It is hoped that they will most likely join the Likud party.
Kulanu : In pieces
Finance Minister Moses Kahlon had hoped that his Kulanu party would work a miracle in the elections. Now that he has gained access to Netanyahu's tent, if he had taken the lead with Gantz, the election results might have looked different. Kahlon had said that he would not sit idly by on the knees of the Prime Minister who is facing corruption charges. However, Kahlon's party did worse than expected from opinion polls, which saw them at gaining about six seats. So it seems that the bewildered Kahlon has decided to align himself with Netanyahu. Kahlon must have thought that it was always better to stay in power than to blow the trumpet in the next election, and so he merged with the Netanyahu opposition and merged the entire party into the Likud party.
Israel Baitanyu : Net kingmaker, not king
In September 2018, then-Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman resigned and withdrew support for the ruling Israel Baitanyu party. Lieberman and Netanyahu have been at loggerheads over how to respond to attacks by Hamas on Israeli forces in the Gaza Strip. In that dilemma, Lieberman decided to leave the government with the party. His career as defense minister was overshadowed by allegations. So Lieberman decided to pull out of the government with some calculations. Lieberman believed that Netanyahu could be criticized over the Gaza Strip issue and that his position in politics could be strengthened. But Lieberman's party's success in the election is limited.
But even so, Lieberman has emerged on the political horizon as a kingmaker. The Likud party will have to rely on five members of Lieberman's party to reach the 60 required for a majority. If Lieberman had used his power behind the Blue and White Party, this would have been the opposite. Had that happened, Gantz would have been in power with the outside support of the Arab parties. But Gantz, who grew up in military discipline, seems to have more time to learn these maths on the political stage. In fact, Lieberman should go back to Netanyahu, because now it is more convenient for him to go back to Netanyahu on his own terms. Netanyahu can't say no to them. Under these conditions, Lieberman could seek re-election as defense minister. Lieberman may also demand that Haredi withdraw his military service. The first condition may be accepted, but the latter may cause the government to fall.
While Lieberman's importance remains undiminished and his performance is far superior to that of Lapid, Bennett and Kahlon, the fact remains that Lieberman has not yet reached the heights of Netanyahu on the Israeli political scene. As Netanyahu's strength grows, so does Lieberman's party. In 2009, they had won 15 seats. In 2013, it was 13 and in 2015, Lieberman's party had to settle for only six seats, while in this year's election, only five MPs from Lieberman's party have been elected.
It was speculated that Netanyahu would be hit by anti-incumbency in this year's election. But on the issue of nationalism, Netanyahu slammed the opposition. Now they have formed a coalition government. At least the threat from this lead government will be less. Netanyahu could face a court crackdown in July, given the serious allegations of corruption against him. But no one in the ruling coalition will dare to demand his resignation. This election has shown that Netanyahu's grip on public opinion is still intact. They are the real emperors of Israel. The question is, who will carry on this legacy?
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