Secularism remained parasitic in Bangladesh, born out of a determination not to promote any religion. Now the influence of the heretics and religious extremism is growing.
 |
| Photo (https://unsplash.com/photos/Y2oE2uNLSrs) |
On the same day that the Indian Army and the Bengal Liberation Army liberated Bangladesh from the yoke of Pakistan in 1971, the then exiled Bangladesh government decided to ban religious politics in the country. The reason for the decision of the deported Bangladeshi government was equally solid. When the movement for the creation of Bangladesh began after independence from the then East Pakistan, the Pakistani army literally inflicted heavy bloodshed on the country. Religious political parties were actively involved in this act of Pakistani soldiers.
The government in exile, usually Bengali-speaking, called this government 'Mujibnagar government'. The Mujibnagar government, named after the wartime capital of Pakistan, imposed a total ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-e-Islam, Pakistan Muslim League and Pakistan Democratic Party. For the next three-and-a-half years, from August to November 1975, until the assassination of four key leaders in the liberation struggle, including Bangladesh's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh pursued secular politics. The principle of secular democracy was also given top priority in the constitution, which was drafted just a year after the creation of Bangladesh.
The principle of secular democracy was also given top priority in the constitution, which was drafted just a year after the creation of Bangladesh.
This secular framework of Bangladesh was literally shattered in the mid-1970s. General Zia-ur-Rehman, Bangladesh's first army chief, undermined this secular framework of the constitution. He upheld the two main principles of socialism and secularism. His successor, General Hussein Muhammad Irshad, culminated in the declaration of Islam as the main religion of Bangladesh in the early 1980's. In the subsequent period, mainly after February 1991, both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League, which came to power through parliamentary democracy, did not find it politically feasible or useful to reverse the changes made by their predecessors in the constitution and re-declare Bangladesh a secular democracy.
She remained loyal to Zia, the founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). So the Awami League did just that. The Awami League, which has consistently said that Bangladesh belongs to all religions, has in fact made no effort to bring the country back to secular politics. The Awami League also took care to respect the religious sentiments of the majority Muslims in the country and not to interfere with them.
Simply put, secularism remained paradoxical in a country built on the premise of not rewarding any religion. A recent example of how the influence of separatist forces is growing in Bangladesh is the demand made a few days ago by Shah Ahmed Shafi, the head of the religious group Hifazat-e-Islam. Shah Ahmad Shafi had demanded that Ahmadiyya Muslims in Bangladesh be declared a non-Muslim community. The Ahmadiyya or Qadianis are considered to be a community that believes in principles that contradict the basic tenets of Islam, and this has been a tradition for decades.
As the influence of the radical Wahhabi sect grows in Bangladesh, the demand for a tougher policy against Ahmadis is gaining momentum. A decade ago, a fanatical Sunni extremist group called for a ban on Ahmadis across the country. Shafi's demand is to remove the old scab and try to heal the wound again. The demand comes at a time when Ahmadis are preparing for a conference in Panchgarh later this month. Hifazat's vicious remarks have sparked a series of deadly attacks on Ahmadis in some parts of the country. Shah Ahmed Shafi, unaffected by the violence, has now decided to launch a movement to urge the government to declare Ahmadis non-Muslims. Declared Ahmadis as non-Muslims,
Ahmadis or Qadianis are considered to be the people who believe in the principles that are against the basic tenets of Islam. It has a tradition of many decades. As the influence of the radical Wahhabi sect grows in Bangladesh, the demand for a tougher policy against Ahmadis is gaining momentum.
The government has not yet commented, and this is not surprising. In the last two years, the Awami League government and Hifazat have become so close that a few months ago, Hifazat publicly honored Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with the honorary award of Qaumi Mata at a procession in Dhaka. Sheikh Hasina's honorary award was against the backdrop of Hifazat's demand that students studying in national madrassas run under the auspices of Hifazat should be treated like students expecting government jobs by studying in universities. In May 2013, Shafi and thousands of his colleagues took to the streets in Dhaka to hold a Dharmasabha. The government, however, completely ignored it. But the stubborn Hifazat was still on the streets until the government backed down.
Hifazat's sins are old. In 2013, only a list of their demands was released, which was enough to undermine secular politics. Hifazat has been criticized by some progressives in Bangladesh for banning women's education and employment, a key feature of their demands.
Ahmed Shafi poured oil on the fire as the unrealistic demands of Hifazat ignited a fire across the country. Shafi published it by drawing a picture of a woman's body with the help of a tadpole. His attitude was of course bad. In a patriarchal society, he compared tadpoles to females. His vicious statements were widely criticized. And then the effects of Hifazat began to be felt everywhere. It was a clear sign that Hifazat was aligning with the government. Serial books in schools began to be rearranged, lessons from non-Muslim writers began to be banished from books and Muslim writers began to take their place. Recently, the Hifazat leader changed his misogynistic role a little and took an oath from his followers that he would not educate his daughters or, if he did, would be taught by female teachers.
The demand for a ban on Ahmadis has its roots mainly in the past as an alternative to Pakistan. In 1953, the Jamaat-e-Islami, led by Abul Ala Maududi, set out to expel Ahmadis from Islam. This led to riots in Lahore in which hundreds of Ahmadis were killed. The riots were brought under control only after General Azam Khan issued martial law in the city. Maududi was later charged and sentenced to death. However, Maududi's sentence was later commuted and he was released. Leaving Maududi alive, the violence escalated, and in 1971, violence in Bangladesh reached its climax. In 1974, Pakistani fanatics revived the demand for declaring Ahmadis non-Muslims. Riots broke out. The then Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's government was a blessing to these fanatics. To this day, the situation of Ahmadis in Pakistan is very bad. They are constantly persecuted.
Shah Ahmed Shafi is trying to win over the community in Bangladesh. He is trying to use his close ties with the Bangladesh government for the same reason. His remarks have sounded alarm bells across Bangladesh. There is excitement in the classroom where the intellect is intact. Adhvaryu in the government has been secretly going to Hifazat's headquarters in Chittagong to seek Shafi's blessings. This indicates that Bengali concerns are on the rise.
Indeed, secular politics in Bangladesh has become exiled from the country, now the nation busy in praising the so called Islamist scholars and religious fanatics.
Post a Comment