What Exactly has Changed in Republic of India?

Today, India is going through a transition. This transition is not just political, it is economic, social and psychological.

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The 17th Lok Sabha elections marked the world's largest democratic experiment in India. Elections were held for 543 Lok Sabha seats. As many as 90 crore voters, 2293 political parties and more than 8000 candidates participated in the elections. On this occasion, it is important to discuss the social and political turmoil in India, especially in Hindu society. Thousands of castes, sub-castes, nomads and other groups, their many problems and aspirations are bound to have a far-reaching effect on the way forward for India. Only a party that can properly represent India's diversity is considered successful.

For many years after independence, the Congress was the only political party representing various groups in the country. The Congress had given birth to a specific system of (unequal) distribution of power among different castes. In this system, the weak and backward classes of the society are represented in name only. The structure of this social power distribution in the Congress was very simple.

Administrative and institutional power was in the hands of the upper castes in the cities. This class ruled for a long time in the rural areas of the country which depended on agriculture, holding the hands of the powerful castes and aristocratic families. This was reciprocated by implementing welfare schemes for the poor and giving symbolic benefits of reservation policy to Dalits and Adivasis. In post-partition India, Muslims were persuaded to pledge their allegiance to the principle of security and secularism. The impact of this model of inclusiveness lasted for decades. According to the social conditions of the time, the parameters of political power distribution kept changing.

This model of Congress was facing many challenges. It contained OBC politics that emerged in the name of socialism in the Hindi-speaking belt. Whether it is the roar of Dalit identity under the auspices of Ambedkarite and Bahujan politics, the issue of Dravidian identity in the south or the idea of ​​communism in other small states including West Bengal and Kerala. These ideas continued to strike at the subgroup model of the Congress. However, none of these could provide a nationwide alternative to the Congress. All these parties were able to create regional corners only for themselves and their politics was limited to one or two castes or one community.

However, after the rise of Narendra Modi in national politics, the BJP under his leadership used social engineering as an alternative to the Congress. Congress took over space in Indian politics. In both the 2014 and 2019 elections, the BJP succeeded in uniting various caste groups in Hinduism. The experiment is now known as 'United Spectrum of Hindu Votes'. Even the maneuvers of BJP president Amit Shah to bring together smaller, smaller castes at the district level were unprecedented in India's political history. The Congress relied on policies such as secularism and poverty alleviation. However, BJP proved that elections can be fought and won even on the agenda of Hindutva and development. In the 2014 elections, Indian voters got an alternative to Congress politics and governance.

Secondly, there are differences between the old urban class and the new urban class in the country. These differences are intensifying. The old urban elite is the beneficiary of the Nehru-era system. It had a profound effect on public life practices and policies. This class was very influential socially and economically. In contrast, the new and semi-urban classes are the offspring of economic reforms. It is the middle class in villages and small towns. The grip of the old elite on educational institutions, media and policy making has always plagued the neo-middle class. He is annoyed by this dominance. Strong differences over issues of religion, nationalism and secularism have contributed to this.

Local issues seem important to the neo-middle class. This class is in no hurry to become a 'Global Citizen'. They may or may not be connected somewhere. Unlike the old aristocracy, the neo-middle class does not care about international recognition. Therefore, it was inevitable that the two streams would disagree on the future of India. In all these circumstances, the advent of social media has become a game changer. Social media gave a voice to the neo-middle class. It provided an opportunity to connect with like-minded people and bring them together. Riding on a new wave of communication tools and social media, the class dismantled old contexts and practices. The so-called think tanks and thinkers did not even understand when the ground beneath their feet shifted. In this ideological battle between Noida and Lodhi Road, Noida seems to have won.

Thirdly, the change in the Hindu community in the country is one of the important reasons behind this. Indians hope for development and modernity. But it has to be centered on Indian civilization and ideology. It can be called 'Hindu Modernity'. People who are dissatisfied with the present are breaking old social barriers everywhere. However they are clueless of what exactly they looking for. They want the modern world. However, they do not accept the dominance of the West. So it is unclear exactly what the outline of the new modernity will be. We do not have a model of modernity different from the Japanese and the Western world. According to the famous novelist Dipankar Gupta, India is a perfect example of 'deceptive modernity'. Indians' understanding of modernity is inadequate. Driving a smartphone, Facebook or a new car is not modernity. Modernity is man, social structure, It deals with gender relations and the political system. Hindu modernity remains an issue of struggle even among pro-Hindu activists. They are tormented by the question of what exactly to do to preserve Hindu customs, traditions and culture in the face of rapid economic transition that could shake the social clock.

Fourthly, the orthodox thinking against socio-economic transition is re-emerging. With the post-independence social and economic changes, the caste system was in disarray. However, some reactionary sections of the society are trying to revive the caste system and curtail women's freedom. It is important to note that the path of Hindu society has been reformist for more than a century. Not only that, Hindutva was a fundamental obstacle in the Hindu ideology of supporting widow remarriage, inter-caste meals, opposing untouchability and caste system. Due to the lack of economic reforms, the pace of reforms in Hindu society was initially slow. However, after the economic reforms, the caste system gained momentum.

In the last three decades, the Dalit and minority castes in the villages have progressed and power has been taken away from the hegemonic castes. The old social system collapsed due to the decline in the social and economic power of the society which was relatively high in number and dominant in the caste system. The spread of education and equal economic opportunities for all castes and tribes, men and women, has led to a very dormant, but far-reaching change.

This has angered some sections of the society who have embraced and supported the old rules of Manusmriti and similar Puranas. There should be a revival of the caste system. Business should be born. There should be no freedom of choice. "Women should be confined to the home and under the roof," he said. In particular, these views are appealing to urban youth. This is evident from social media like Facebook and Twitter.

In the name of fighting the forces that divide the country, the wrong things in the Hindu society are being supported by advancing the model of Indian nationalism and branding Marxist ideology as anti-national. The illusion of perfection and the inability to prove one's dominance in the new socio-economic space are some of the reasons behind this. This confusion is more prevalent among the youth of the upper and dominant castes, especially in the villages and small towns.

It will be important to see where this will go in the future. Can the BJP survive as the all-encompassing face of the Indian people? The BJP will have to take care of the caste-based organizations that are slashing fines for more and more power in the states. The differences between the old and the new urban class are going to intensify. However, the urban neo-middle class, which is not homogeneous like the old aristocracy, can play this transition on its own. Because, there are also social errors. Disagreements will continue between the hopes of Hindu modernity and orthodox extremism, and this debate will have reached a tipping point as it moves from an agrarian system to an urban industrial society.